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        <title>Shriver Center: January 2006</title>
        <id>http://povertylaw.org/</id>
        <rights>The Sargent Shriver National Center On Poverty Law, All Rights Reserved</rights>
        <generator>Zope 3</generator>
        <updated>2006-07-13T16:23:52Z</updated>
        <link rel="self"
              href="http://www.povertylaw.org/news-and-events/poverty-action-report/january-2006/atom.xml"/>
    

    <entry>
        

            <title>Federal Budget Hurts the Poor, Grows the Deficit</title>
            <updated>2006-07-13T16:23:52Z</updated>
            <id>http://www.povertylaw.org/news-and-events/poverty-action-report/january-2006/perspective</id>
            <author>
                <name>michellenicolet</name>
            </author>

            
                <content type="html">&lt;p&gt;The complex and seemingly interminable federal budget battle
continues toward a possible conclusion in February. Each house of
Congress has passed a “budget reconciliation” bill that includes many
different provisions that would resolve the federal budget for federal
fiscal year 2006 (October 2005 to September 2006). The most recent
Senate version was passed just before Christmas and is slightly
different from the version previously passed by the House. Now it must
go back to the House for another vote. That vote is currently scheduled
for February 1.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The reconciliation bill is a faithful, somewhat scaled-down
expression of the Bush administration’s priorities. It contains many
budget cuts in important programs, including Medicaid, for low-income
people. It also uses that “saved” money from those cuts, plus
additional money that the government does not have to provide tax cuts
for the wealthiest few, thus expanding the already-record federal
deficit. (Details can be found at &lt;a href="http://www.cbpp.org/"&gt;www.cbpp.org&lt;/a&gt;.)
Those who oppose the reconciliation bill can and should press their
representatives, especially the Republicans who control the outcome, to
vote “no” in February.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;It is extremely difficult to understand the rationale for this
budget. The government has immense and important jobs to do that
require adequate funding. These jobs include extraordinary ones such as
managing the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, the larger war on terror, and
administering hurricane relief. However, many observers say that these
tasks are more expensive because of mistakes made by the
administration. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;On a larger and ongoing scale, poverty in general, and child poverty
in particular, is increasing. The incidence of poverty has less and
less to do with whether a family’s income comes from employment—the
fastest-growing poor population is employed. More and more people,
especially employed people, have no health insurance or have inadequate
coverage. All health care is becoming prohibitively expensive. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;A smart and proactive government role, including investments, is
necessary to attack these problems and deliver a measure of support to
families experiencing hardship. However, the Bush administration was
loyally obeyed (or exceeded) by its congressional allies who proposed a
$20,000 a year raise (through tax cuts) to millionaires who each have
already received something like $100,000 a year in tax relief under the
first Bush budget. Now they want that $100,000 raise be made permanent.
As a result of this largesse to the wealthiest, the administration
claims the government cannot afford to address important tasks
adequately.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;There is no moral or values-based argument that can sustain this
approach, and none is really offered by its proponents. Indeed, the
approach seems closer to a bald and polarizing assertion of power in
support of “ours” (businesses and individuals who already have the most
money) over, and at the expense of, “theirs” (individuals and families
who have less). There seems to be an attempt to turn this assertion of
power into a virtue, but it falls flat. There is not much moral
difference between the power rationale—“I can do it, therefore I will
do it”—and the attempt to turn it into a virtue—“I can do it, therefore
I should do it.” &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The Bush/Republican budget approach is dressed up not in a
values-based argument but an economic one: If those with the most money
have more money, then all will be well. We hope they will invest the
added money. When they invest, it is theoretically possible that there
will be more jobs (although this must remain theoretical— there is no
duty or obligation or statistically certain job creation outcome—market
forces will decide). If, in the end, there are more jobs, then it is
theoretically possible that some of the jobs will pay wages that allow
families to escape poverty. A smaller number might receive wages that
enable them to support a family. Meanwhile, because we have given away
all the money to the wealthiest few, the budget will defund programs
that help the working poor make ends meet and satisfy basic needs such
as health care. &lt;/p&gt;
This is a budget for the economic elite. It is not a budget for the
vast majority of working families, and certainly not for the less
fortunate among us. It is a budget largely made by those ideologically
opposed to a constructive role for government in solving large social
and economic problems. People with a different vision and a different
moral frame of reference should urge their representatives to vote no
on the reconciliation bill.</content>
            

            
                <summary type="html">The reconciliation bill contains many budget cuts in imporatant programs, including Medicaid, for low-income people. It also uses that "saved" money from those cuts, plus additional money that the government does not have to provide tax cuts for the wealthiest few, thus expanding the already-record federal deficit. Those who oppose the reconciliation bill can and should press their representatives, especially the Republicans who control the outcome, to vote "no" in February.</summary>
            

            <link rel="alternate"
                  href="http://www.povertylaw.org/news-and-events/poverty-action-report/january-2006/perspective"/>
        
    </entry>
    <entry>
        

            <title>Let's Talk TANF: Congress on the Verge of Reauthorizing TANF</title>
            <updated>2006-07-13T16:23:52Z</updated>
            <id>http://www.povertylaw.org/news-and-events/poverty-action-report/january-2006/tanf</id>
            <author>
                <name>michellenicolet</name>
            </author>

            
                <content type="html">&lt;p&gt;The federal budget for fiscal year 2006 (October 2005 to September
2006), to be resolved in a “budget reconciliation” bill scheduled for a
vote in the House on February 1, would reauthorize the Temporary
Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) and child care subsidy programs
while adding $1 billion to the annual child care block grant for the
next five years. Taken as a whole, the changes are not good for the
people who use these programs. The changes are particularly unfair for
Illinois, and urging House members to vote “no” on the reconciliation
bill is well worth the effort.(See John Bouman’s “Perspective,” in this
issue).&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Main Changes&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The reconciliation bill contains a number of changes in the TANF program. Three of the most important are these:&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Under current law, states must have at least certain percentages of
their TANF caseloads engaged in employment or approved “work
activities” or else face substantial penalties. This work participation
rate, however, is reduced by the amount that the state’s caseload has
been reduced since 1994. The work participation rate is 50 percent, but
in Illinois the caseload reduction credit is so large that the required
work participation rate is even smaller than the federally prescribed
percentage. This has allowed Illinois’s TANF families to engage at
least temporarily in activities other than employment or work; such
activities might be attending college or caring for a disabled family
member. Under the reconciliation bill, the work participation rate is
still 50 percent, but the caseload reduction credit will now be based
on 2005. Last year was the low ebb of the Illinois caseload. If
Illinois’s work participation rate is based on that caseload, Illinois
cannot take advantage of its caseload reduction credit.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Currently states may create separate programs for people for whom
TANF is not an appropriate program. States may count the state funds in
these programs toward their “maintenance of effort” requirement in TANF
(as a condition of receiving the federal TANF block grant, states must
promise to maintain their own spending on programs with similar
purposes for low-income families). Under the reconciliation bill, the
TANF work requirements and work participation rate will apply to these
separate state programs. How much this will affect Illinois is not
clear yet.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The reconciliation bill requires the federal TANF agency to produce
by June 30, 2006, binding regulations, including rules about how states
will document the work activities of recipients. While this requirement
is not necessarily harmful, it makes for a substantial difference from
1996, when TANF was passed. At that time the states were free for
almost two years to implement the program according to their best
reading of the statute and informal guidance from the federal agency.
Because final rules were not published until 1998, states had time to
make the transition to any necessary changes. The implementation of the
changes in the reconciliation bill will be on a much faster track, and
the federal agency will have much less experience to guide it in
drafting the rules.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;On funding, the reconciliation bill flat-funds the TANF block grant
and allots an increase of $1 billion over the entire next five years
for the child care and development block grant. This is far short of
what is needed just to provide child care for the expected increase in
TANF recipients engaging in the newly required work activities. This
increase fails to keep pace with inflation for the families currently
receiving subsidies. It is nowhere near the needed amount to provide
subsidies to families eligible for but not currently receiving them.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Opposing but Getting Ready to Implement the Bill&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The reconciliation bill is far short of what Illinois families need
to succeed in the workforce, progress economically, and address periods
of family crisis. It is particularly unfair to Illinois. It pins the
caseload reduction credit to 2005, a year when Illinois’s historically
low caseload led the nation. All the states that lagged behind will be
able to get caseload reduction credits. Although Illinois did precisely
what the existing TANF law required, Illinois will be penalized.
Illinois also has an exemplary child care subsidy program helping
hundreds of thousands work and progress economically. Under the
reconciliation bill, Illinois will need to devote more state dollars
simply to avoid compensating for the cuts in federal funds.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Illinois has some choices. The state knows what is necessary to help
people work and to provide fair and promising opportunities. If the
bill passes, Illinois has to be ready to implement it in the most
productive way. Illinois should get to work immediately to devise
implementation choices that will promote better outcomes for families.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;For more information, contact &lt;a href="mailto:johnbouman@povertylaw.org"&gt;John Bouman&lt;/a&gt;. &lt;/p&gt;</content>
            

            
                <summary type="html">Reauthorization of the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) and child care subsidy programs would add $1 billion to the annual child care block grant for the next five years. Taken as a whole, the changes are not good for the people who use these programs. The changes are particularly unfair for Illinois, and urging House members to vote "no" on the reconciliation bill is well worth the effort.</summary>
            

            <link rel="alternate"
                  href="http://www.povertylaw.org/news-and-events/poverty-action-report/january-2006/tanf"/>
        
    </entry>
    <entry>
        

            <title>Insecure in Your Own Home: What It Means to Rent in Illinois</title>
            <updated>2006-07-13T16:23:52Z</updated>
            <id>http://www.povertylaw.org/news-and-events/poverty-action-report/january-2006/insecure</id>
            <author>
                <name>michellenicolet</name>
            </author>

            
                <content type="html">&lt;p&gt;Lockouts, forcible entry, and security deposit disputes are common
occurrences for Illinois renters, according to a new report called &lt;em&gt;Insecure in Your Own Home: What It Means to Rent in Illinois&lt;/em&gt;,
released by the Illinois Tenants Rights Working Group. The report calls
attention to the experiences statewide of survey respondents who lack
the basic consumer protections for safe, stable, and secure housing. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The statewide tenant survey was conducted by the Housing Action
Illinois, Lawyers’ Committee for Better Housing, and Sargent Shriver
National Center on Poverty Law, all part of the Illinois Tenants Rights
Working Group, to determine how best to improve the landlord-tenant
relationship and the quality of life for Illinois renters. Typical
respondents lived in an unsubsidized property that was not
owner-occupied. They had a family size between two and three and made
$10,000 per year or less.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The most appalling statistic is the number of people who have been
“locked out” of their homes. Lockouts are illegal evictions where
landlords take the law into their own hands and oust tenants from their
homes without notice or their day in court. One in twelve of the
respondents had been locked out at some point. Other experiences of
survey respondents were having their rent raised or being evicted as a
form of retaliation, being threatened with utility shutoff, landlords
entering apartments without permission, and lack of repairs. An
analysis shows that nearly half (48 percent) of all respondents
experienced at least one of these forms of abuse. A high percentage of
respondents did not know the right and responsibilities of tenants (37
percent) and landlords (42 percent).&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The report also reveals that renters lack basic consumer
protections, with low-income households bearing the brunt of tenant
problems. The combination of having too little money to afford a decent
home and having some unprincipled landlords taking advantage of that
fact forces too many families to live in deplorable conditions or on
the streets. “This shows that the affordable-housing crisis makes
landlord-tenant issues more relevant than ever,” said Douglas
Schenkelberg of the Lawyers’ Committee for Better Housing. “By
demonstrating the need for a comprehensive understanding of the
landlord-tenant relationship, we can now continue to recommend specific
policies that ensure that all Illinois families have access to stable,
safe, and secure housing.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Based on the report’s findings, the Illinois Tenants Rights Working Group is recommending that Illinois&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;ol&gt;&lt;li&gt;adopt a comprehensive Residential Landlord-Tenant Act;&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li&gt;expand protections against retaliatory evictions;&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li&gt;adopt a statewide property maintenance code;&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li&gt;expand resources for education on landlords’ and tenants’ rights and responsibilities;&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li&gt;increase resources for alternative dispute resolution and legal representation; and&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li&gt;expand the amount of safe, decent, and affordable housing available.&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ol&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The working group is advocating that policies and resources be
increased to educate landlords and tenants alike on what their rights
and responsibilities are. Over 25 states including Iowa, Michigan, and
Nebraska have enacted legislation that gives tenants stronger
protections than those in Illinois, and most of these protections have
been in place for some 30 years. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Through a new Residential Tenant Protection Act introduced by Rep.
William Davis (D –30th) tenants would be protected against unlawful
evictions, in which landlords remove property, change locks, shut off
utilities, or engage in other actions to make units uninhabitable and
force their tenants out. The Act would solidify the Forcible Entry and
Detainer Act as the only proper legal method in Illinois for removing
tenants from a dwelling unit if the tenants fail to live up to their
end of the rental agreement. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Currently, several municipal ordinances including Chicago’s s
protect more than half of Illinois tenants, and parts of the state
without home rule authority are unable to protect their residents from
these illegal evictions. Representative Davis’s bill intends to protect
tenants not currently covered by local ordinances and offer them the
same type of rights and remedies as most tenants in Illinois already
enjoy. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;For more information, contact &lt;a href="mailto:katewalz@povertylaw.org"&gt;Kate Walz&lt;/a&gt;. &lt;/p&gt;</content>
            

            
                <summary type="html">Lockouts, forcible entry, and security deposit disputes are common occurrences for Illinois renters, according to a new report called "Insecure in Your Own Home: What It Means to Rent in Illinois," released by the Illinois Tenants Rights Working Group. The report calls attention to the experiences statewide of survey respondents who lack the basic consumer protections for safe, stable, and secure housing.</summary>
            

            <link rel="alternate"
                  href="http://www.povertylaw.org/news-and-events/poverty-action-report/january-2006/insecure"/>
        
    </entry>
    <entry>
        

            <title>Five New Members Added to the Board of Directors of the Shriver Center</title>
            <updated>2006-07-13T16:23:52Z</updated>
            <id>http://www.povertylaw.org/news-and-events/poverty-action-report/january-2006/board-members</id>
            <author>
                <name>michellenicolet</name>
            </author>

            
                <content type="html">&lt;p&gt;Five new board members will strengthen the administration of the
Shriver Center’s national mission. They bring a wealth of expertise to
the organization on issues affecting low-income people —financial
education, the needs of low-income women, and the barriers to
independent living experienced by ex-offenders. “This dynamic group of
individuals will also help increase the Shriver Center’s communications
with different professional and diverse communities,” said Rita
McLennon, executive director of the Shriver Center. The following newly
elected members will serve a three-year term beginning in January 2006:&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;William Beck&lt;/strong&gt; is a financial consultant and senior
vice president of the Smith Barney investment firm. He has been
managing individual and corporate accounts and advising clients on
their assets.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Fred Cohen&lt;/strong&gt; is a principal in the Litigation Group
at Goldberg, Kohn, Bell, Black, Rosenbloom &amp;amp; Moritz, Ltd. He has
extensive experience in litigating patent and trademark infringement
matters, class actions, health care matters, business tort cases,
e-commerce issues, and state and local tax challenges. Cohen was
cocounsel with John Bouman of the Shriver Center in the landmark case &lt;a href="http://www.povertylaw.org/legalresearch/cases/index.cfm?action=abstract&amp;amp;id=53827"&gt;&lt;em&gt;Memisovski v. Maram&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Regina Montoya&lt;/strong&gt; is the chief executive officer of
the New America Alliance in Washington, D.C. She develops strategic and
tactical plans to fulfill the alliance’s mission of promoting the
advancement of the American Latino community with a focus on economic
and political empowerment.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Joe Scantlebury&lt;/strong&gt; is a senior policy officer of the
Bill &amp;amp; Melinda Gates Foundation. His policy advocacy grant making
in education targets two areas: helping high schools better prepare all
students for college, work, and citizenship; and reducing the financial
and other barriers to higher education.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Orin Whiting&lt;/strong&gt; is a principal at Much Shelist and has
in-depth experience in commercial litigation, health care law, and
government affairs and regulator law as well as products liability
litigation and counseling. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Sunny Fischer, executive director of the Richard H. Driehaus
Foundation, is the new chairperson of the Shriver Center’s board.
Eileen Sweeney of the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities continues
as vice chairperson. The other newly elected officers are Hon. Divida
Gude, of Atlanta, Georgia, as secretary, and Luis A. Wilmot of
AARP/Texas as treasurer.&lt;/p&gt;
The remaining members of the Shriver Center board of directors are
Sandra Cuneo, Police Assessment Resource Center; Gregory R. Dallaire,
attorney at law; Gill Deford, Center for Medicare Advocacy; Bruce G.
Iwasaki, Legal Aid Foundation of Los Angeles; LeAlan M. Jones; Ethel
Klein, Ph.D., EDK Associates; Marshall Marcovitz; Betty J. Musburger;
Grace Allen Newton, Robinson, Curley &amp;amp; Clayton PC; Suzan L. Rayner,
M.D., MPH, Schwab Rehabilitation Hospital and Care Network; Catherine
Robb; Janice E. Rodgers, Quarles &amp;amp; Brady; Jean Rudd, JR Strategies;
Jill Schuker, JAS International Group; and C. Steven Tomashefsky,
Jenner &amp;amp; Block. </content>
            

            
                <summary type="html">Five new board members will strengthen the administration of the Shriver Center's national mission. They bring a wealth of expertise to the organization on issues affecting low-income people--financial education, the needs of low-income women, and the barriers to independent living experienced by ex-offenders.
</summary>
            

            <link rel="alternate"
                  href="http://www.povertylaw.org/news-and-events/poverty-action-report/january-2006/board-members"/>
        
    </entry>
    <entry>
        

            <title>With SEED, Americans Can Begin Life with a Nest Egg of Their Own</title>
            <updated>2006-07-13T16:23:52Z</updated>
            <id>http://www.povertylaw.org/news-and-events/poverty-action-report/january-2006/seed</id>
            <author>
                <name>michellenicolet</name>
            </author>

            
                <content type="html">&lt;p&gt;Saving and investing have always been bedrock American values—a way
both to get ahead financially and to have something to fall back on in
a crisis. Nowadays with easy credit, many Americans have abandoned the
savings habit and have lost sight of the economic benefits that
accompany thrift. However, SEED (Saving for Education,
Entrepreneurship, and Down Payment), a model initiative in Chicago,
aims to make sure that all Americans, especially those of lower income,
build and nurture their nest eggs. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;A measure of the state of personal savings in America is the new
“Nest Egg Index” released by A.G. Edwards. The Nest Egg Index ranks
America’s 200 top-performing communities based on residents’ personal
savings and investing behavior. The index shows the geographic regions
where people are succeeding and face the greatest difficulty in
building and nurturing their nest eggs. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;In Chicago the news is not much better. According to the Nest Egg
Index, Chicago ties with Newburgh, New York, for 39th, above the
national average but behind neighbors such as Detroit, Des Moines, and
Minneapolis-St. Paul. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The Nest Egg Index examines only broad measures of wealth and
well-being, such as home ownership, retirement plans, and the
proportion of households that save and invest. Anyone who has examined
data on wealth and savings knows that the fundamental challenge is the
yawning gap between the haves and the have-nots. Moreover, almost 40
percent of all children live in families that are “asset poor”—meaning
that, should their source of income dry up, they lack the financial
reserves to survive for three months at the poverty level. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Initiatives such as SEED accounts aim to change that for the next
generation. At the William M. and Charles H. Mayo Elementary School 75
children have established nest-egg savings accounts that are managed by
J.P. Morgan Chase Bank. The SEED accounts are matched savings accounts
that start with a deposit of $500, reward accountholders with a match
for their own savings, and are restricted to secondary education.
Chicago is one of 12 nationwide sites of the SEED initiative—a national
experiment to develop, test, inform, and promote matched savings
accounts and financial education for children and youth.&lt;/p&gt;
The SEED initiative aims not only to help these 75 elementary school
students in Chicago establish a nest egg and use it to save toward
their dream of college or trade school but also—through the experience
of these children and careful research—to make this kind of SEED
account a reality for all children in America. Already the Aspire
(America Saving for Personal Investment, Retirement, and Education)
Act, cosponsored by Sens. Rick Santorum (R-PA), Jim DeMint (R-SC), and
Charles Schumer (D-NY), has been introduced in Congress to do just
this. Aspire calls for Kids Accounts (Kids Investment and Development
Accounts) to be opened for every newborn child in 2007 and beyond, with
the goal of encouraging savings, expanding opportunities, and promoting
financial literacy. Kids Accounts would be seeded with an initial
deposit by the federal government, with progressive matches on private
contributions to the accounts, just like the SEED accounts in Chicago.</content>
            

            
                <summary type="html">Saving and investing have always been bedrock American values--a way both to get ahead financially and to have something to fall back on in a crisis. Nowadays with easy credit, many Americans have abandoned the savings habit and have lost sight of the economic benefits that accompany thrift. However, SEED (Saving for Education, Entrepreneurship, and Down Payment), a model initiative in Chicago, aims to make sure that all Americans, especially those of lower income, build and nurture their nest eggs.</summary>
            

            <link rel="alternate"
                  href="http://www.povertylaw.org/news-and-events/poverty-action-report/january-2006/seed"/>
        
    </entry>
    <entry>
        

            <title>Announcements</title>
            <updated>2006-07-13T16:23:52Z</updated>
            <id>http://www.povertylaw.org/news-and-events/poverty-action-report/january-2006/annoucements</id>
            <author>
                <name>michellenicolet</name>
            </author>

            
                <content type="html">&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Do You Want to Establish a Bank Branch in a High School?&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The Shriver Center is pleased to announce the publication of &lt;em&gt;A Guide to Establishing Bank Branches in High Schools&lt;/em&gt;.
The new guide describes the inspiration and operation of two high
school student–run bank branches in public schools: the Curie Branch of
Park Federal Savings Bank in Chicago and the Cardinal Branch of
Mitchell Bank in Milwaukee. The &lt;em&gt;Guide&lt;/em&gt; includes information on
both projects, the partners involved, factors to consider, and the
costs and benefits of such a project. The Shriver Center hopes that the
&lt;em&gt;Guide&lt;/em&gt; will inspire more schools, banks, and others to develop
similar projects. The high school bank branch model is part of a
national effort to expand financial education, services, and
asset-building opportunities to students, families, and communities. &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The Shriver Center released the &lt;em&gt;Guide&lt;/em&gt; at the New Alliance
Task Force National Best Practices Conference last month in Chicago.
The Curie Branch project partners include representatives from Curie
Metro High School, Park Federal Savings Bank, the Chicago Public
Schools, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC), and the
University of Illinois at Chicago’s Center for Economic Education, the
Cardinal Bank, and the Office of Thrift Supervision (OTS), as well as
private donors. The Shriver Center is interested in opportunities to
share information with interested groups in other states. For more
information and to receive an electronic copy of the &lt;em&gt;Guide&lt;/em&gt;, contact &lt;a href="mailto:iangardiner@povertylaw.org"&gt;Ian Gardiner&lt;/a&gt; (312.368.1033). &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Mark Your Calendars! &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
Illinois Asset Building Group (IABG) Committee Meetings in February! &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;IABG
Policy Committee meeting is scheduled for Monday, February 6, at 1:00
p.m.–3:00 p.m. The committee will be focusing on advancing universal
progressive children’s savings accounts. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;IABG Coordinating Committee meeting is scheduled for Tuesday, February 21, at 10:30 a.m.–12:00 noon &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Both
meetings will be held at the Sargent Shriver National Center on Poverty
Law at 50 E. Washington Street, Suite 500, Chicago, IL 60602. If you
have any questions, please contact &lt;a href="mailto:jamischlafer@povertylaw.org"&gt;Jami Schlafer&lt;/a&gt; at 312.368.8575.</content>
            

            

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                  href="http://www.povertylaw.org/news-and-events/poverty-action-report/january-2006/annoucements"/>
        
    </entry>

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